凉州：《凉州府莲花山文昌阁(凉州府第二文庙)重修碑记》看大清帝国进士周光炯、进士张诏等人如何修造西北第一名山凉州莲花山文昌阁。
中文繁体：
吾邑蓮花山文昌閣（涼州府第二文廟），頹廢已久，合學紳士以此地為文運所關。迨於道光二十二年，撥用興文社膏火公項銀重修，凡殿宇亭臺悉舉而新之。然廟貌巍峨，使不致其祀，非特無以答神靈，不且有負重修之盛舉耶？
茲有本城民人李本枝捐施，吳舉借制錢壹伯陸拾千文，即典吳舉懷三垠田地四石，每年承納租糧小麥一石四斗、穀子一石四斗。
山西孝義縣人劉隆裕捐施銀，典韓殿魁、韓多魁雜二壩三畦田地一石二斗，隨搭房屋園圃樹株，典價銀壹伯壹拾四兩，每年承納租糧小麥一石二斗。
李兆卿捐施錢，典寧元鵬大渠下雙寨田地二石五斗，典價制錢壹伯五十千文，每年承納租糧小麥二石、穀子二石。
俱有文券為憑，公議籌辦三項，永為蓮花山文昌閣祭祀之資、看廟之費。庶幾俎豆常昭而文明日盛矣，故持為之記。曰：後毋廢厥事也，並為世之樂施者勸。
經理由生監：
王國蘭、周光炯（後為進士）、郭耀先、張詔（後為進士）、段繼儒、司炳泰、胡宗哲、王成憲、趙上、范清鑑、王國儒、王培林。
道光二十五年，歲次乙巳十月穀旦。
中文简体：
吾邑莲花山，文昌阁(凉州府第二文庙)颓废已久，合学绅士以此地为文运所关。迨于道光二十二年，拨用兴文社膏大眼公项银重修，凡殿宇亭台悉举而新之。然庙貌巍峨，使不致其祀，非特无以答神麻，不且有负重修之盛举耶?
兹有本城民人李本枝捐施，吴举借制钱壹伯陆拾千文，即典吴举怀三垠田地四石，每年承纳租粮小麦一石四斗、谷子一石四斗。山西孝义县人刘隆裕捐施银，典韩殿魁、韩多魁杂二垻三畦田地一石二斗，随搭房屋园圃树株，典价银壹伯壹拾四两，每年承纳租粮小麦一石二斗。
李兆卿捐施钱，典宁元鹏大渠下双寨田地二石五斗，典价制钱壹伯五十千文，每年承纳租粮小麦二石、谷子二石。俱有文券为凭，公议筹办三项，永为莲花山文昌阁祭祀之资、看庙之费。庶几俎豆常昭而文明日盛矣，故持为之记。日:后母废厥事也，并为世之乐施者劝。
经理由生监:王国兰、周光炯(后为进士)、郭耀先、张诏(后为进士)、段继儒、司炳泰、胡宗哲、王成宪、赵上、范清鉴、王国儒、王培林。
道光二十五年，岁次乙巳十月谷旦，岁次癸卯暮秋，王多茂敬识。
中文白话：
我的家乡莲花山上的凉州府第二文庙，荒废倾圮，已历多年。地方学界与绅士皆以为，此地关乎凉州文脉兴衰、士气升降，实不可久置于荒凉。至道光二十二年（1842年），乃拨用复兴文社所积公银，重新修葺。殿宇、亭台，无不一一修整，旧貌尽去，新制焕然，巍然肃立于巍峨俊秀的山麓之间。
然而，庙宇虽已高峻壮丽，若徒有形制而无祭祀，则不但无以告慰神明之灵，亦将辜负一城士绅倾力重修的盛举，岂非大憾？
于是，本城民人李本枝率先捐资，吴举亦借出制钱一百六十千文，以其所典吴举怀三垠田地四石为据。此田每年可收租粮小麦一石四斗、谷子一石四斗，作为恒常供奉之用。
又有山西孝义县人刘隆裕，慷慨捐施白银，典取韩殿魁、韩多魁名下杂田二坝三畦，并附房屋、园圃与树株，典价银一百一十四两。其田岁收小麦一石二斗，悉数用于祭祀。李兆卿亦捐出制钱一百五十千文，典得宁元鹏大渠下双寨田地二石五斗。该田每年可纳租粮小麦二石、谷子二石，供奉不绝。
以上诸项，皆立有文券为证，并经公议，合为三项常产，永充莲花山文昌阁祭祀香火之资及守庙修葺之费。如此，则俎豆不辍，香烟常在，斯文有托，而教化之风亦可随岁月日益昌盛。
特立此记，以告后来：切莫废弛其事；亦以此文，劝勉世间乐善好施之人，使斯举绵延不绝。
其经理其事者，为生员、监生数人：王国兰、周光炯（后登进士第）、郭耀先、张诏（后亦登进士第）、段继儒、司炳泰、胡宗哲、王成宪、赵上、范清鉴、王国儒、王培林。
时在道光二十五年，岁在乙巳，十月谷旦。
英国英文：
The Second Confucian Temple of Liangzhou Prefecture, situated on Lotus Mountain in my hometown, had fallen into long neglect and decay. Scholars and local gentry alike held that this site was intimately bound to the rise and decline of Liangzhou’s literary tradition and the morale of its scholars, and that it could not be left abandoned indefinitely. Thus, in the twenty-second year of the Daoguang reign (1842), public funds accumulated by the Revitalization Literary Society were allocated for its reconstruction. Halls and pavilions alike were carefully restored; the old appearance was entirely transformed, and a renewed grandeur emerged, standing solemnly amid the lofty and graceful mountain foothills.
Yet although the temple structure had regained its imposing splendor, a building without ritual observance would be but an empty shell. Not only would it fail to offer due reverence to the divine spirit, it would also betray the earnest efforts of the city’s scholars and gentry who had labored for its restoration—surely a matter of deep regret.
Accordingly, the townsman Li Benzhi took the lead in making a donation, while Wu Ju advanced one hundred and sixty thousand copper cash, secured by the mortgaged land of Wu Juhuai—four shi in area across three ridges. From this land, annual rents of one shi and four dou of wheat, and one shi and four dou of millet, were collected to provide a permanent source for offerings.
In addition, Liu Longyu of Xiaoyi County in Shanxi Province generously contributed silver, mortgaging mixed fields belonging to Han Diankui and Han Duokui—two embankments and three plots—together with houses, gardens, and trees. The mortgage price amounted to one hundred and fourteen taels of silver, yielding an annual rent of one shi and two dou of wheat, all devoted to ritual use. Li Zhaoqing likewise donated one hundred and fifty thousand copper cash, mortgaging fields of two shi and five dou in Shuangzhai below the Grand Canal, owned by Ning Yuanpeng. These lands produced annual rents of two shi of wheat and two shi of millet, ensuring an uninterrupted supply for offerings.
All these arrangements were formalized with written deeds and, by collective deliberation, were established as three permanent endowments. They were henceforth designated to provide perpetual funding for sacrificial rites at the Wenchang Pavilion on Lotus Mountain, as well as for the upkeep and guardianship of the temple. Thus, ritual vessels would never stand unused, incense smoke would rise without interruption, the cause of learning would have a secure foundation, and the civilizing influence of education might flourish ever more with the passage of time.
This record is therefore set down to inform those who come after, urging them never to neglect these duties. It is also intended as an encouragement to all who delight in acts of generosity, that such worthy undertakings may endure without end.
Those responsible for managing these affairs—licentiates and students of the Imperial Academy—were Wang Guolan, Zhou Guangjiong (later a jinshi), Guo Yaoxian, Zhang Zhao (also later a jinshi), Duan Jiru, Si Bingtai, Hu Zongzhe, Wang Chengxian, Zhao Shang, Fan Qingjian, Wang Guoru, and Wang Peilin.
Recorded on an auspicious day in the tenth month of the twenty-fifth year of the Daoguang reign, cyclical year Yisi.
Later respectfully inscribed in late autumn of the Guimao year by Wang Duomao.
凉州山水与凉州士人
凉州莲花山文昌宫暨凉州府第二文庙，其上有紫山书院（也就是），而闻名于世。既是一处山水极盛之地，更是一座承载西北文脉与历史传统的重要文化象征。
其兴废更替，折射出凉州士人对教育、礼制与文明传承的深切用意。凉州莲花山文昌宫虽为土木之构，而其真正价值，并不在规模宏丽，而在其所维系的凉州礼乐教化与士风文运，对于其作用已经高于城区武威文庙。
至道光二十二年，地方学界与士绅共识此地不可不修葺，遂拨用文社公银重修殿宇，使荒芜之境重现肃穆气象。然而，重修并非终点。若无恒常祭祀与长久经费，庙宇终将再归寂寥。
正是在这一现实考量下，多位乡贤慷慨解囊，以田产、银钱设立祭产，并以文券为凭，经公议而定，形成制度化、可延续的供奉体系，使香火、守庙、修葺皆有所资。
这一举措，不仅保障了文昌阁礼仪的延续，更体现出清代地方社会中士绅自发参与公共事务、以经济制度支撑文化信仰的治理智慧。
田产所出之租粮，化为俎豆馨香；私人之善举，转为公共之教化，既维系了庙宇的物质存在，也稳固了地方社会的精神秩序。
立记于碑，不独为记事，更为劝世。其意在告后来者：文明之兴，非一时之功，需代代守护；斯文之盛，亦非虚名，须制度支撑。
凉州莲花山文庙之所以在大清帝国可久可传，正在于此种将信仰、经济与公共责任融为一体的实践。其意义，早已超越城区那一庙一阁，而城外此处已成为西北文化延续的重要见证，所以要重修修葺，让西北文脉绵延不绝，让凉州山水名扬四海。
张诏，字雪生，籍贯在凉州西乡松树镇，咸丰六年（1862年），丙辰科殿试金榜三甲二十一名赐同进士出身，授予翰林院编修，光绪二十六年闰八月二十一日授予浙江云和县知县（今天丽水市内）。
周光炯，字荩戒，籍贯在凉州西乡柏树镇周家窝铺子，咸丰九年（1859年），已未科殿试金榜三甲七十一名赐同进士出身，授翰林院编修，官至员外郎衔吏部验封司主事。
李本枝、膏大眼、吴举借、吴举怀、刘隆裕、韩殿魁、韩多魁、李兆卿、宁元鹏，其中膏大眼为满人；其余人背景不详，但是这些乡贤修造凉州府莲花山的功绩，永远的定格在了凉州的人文山水之间，为凉州留下了重要的历史遗产，在此表示崇高的敬意。
Liangzhou Landscapes and the Scholar-Gentry of Liangzhou
The Wenchang Palace on Lotus Mountain in Liangzhou—also known as the Second Confucian Temple of Liangzhou Prefecture—together with the Zishan Academy situated above it, has long been renowned. It is not only a site of exceptional natural beauty, but also an important cultural symbol bearing the historical traditions and literary lineage of the northwestern region.
The cycles of its rise, decline, and renewal reflect the deep concern of Liangzhou’s scholar-gentry for education, ritual propriety, and the transmission of civilization. Although the Wenchang Palace on Lotus Mountain is, in material terms, a structure of timber and earth, its true value lies not in architectural grandeur, but in its role in sustaining Liangzhou’s ritual culture, scholarly ethos, and intellectual fortunes. In this regard, its cultural function long surpassed that of the Confucian Temple within the urban precincts of Wuwei.
By the twenty-second year of the Daoguang reign, local scholars and gentry had reached a shared conviction that the site could no longer be left in disrepair. Public funds from the literary society were therefore allocated to restore the halls and structures, allowing a once-desolate place to recover its solemn and dignified presence. Yet restoration alone was not an endpoint. Without regular ritual observance and a stable source of long-term funding, the temple would inevitably lapse once more into neglect.
It was in response to this practical concern that several local worthies generously contributed land and silver to establish ritual endowments. These arrangements were formalized through written deeds and confirmed by collective deliberation, forming an institutionalized and sustainable system of support, ensuring that incense offerings, temple guardianship, and ongoing maintenance would never lack resources.
This initiative not only guaranteed the continuity of ritual life at the Wenchang Pavilion, but also exemplified the governance wisdom of Qing-dynasty local society, in which scholar-gentry voluntarily engaged in public affairs and used economic mechanisms to sustain cultural belief and social order.
Grain rents derived from endowed lands were transformed into offerings at the altar; private acts of generosity became instruments of public education. In doing so, they preserved not only the material existence of the temple, but also the spiritual foundations of the local community.
The inscription of this account upon stone was intended not merely as a historical record, but as a moral exhortation to future generations: that the flourishing of civilization is never the achievement of a single moment, but requires continual stewardship; and that the vitality of learning is no empty ideal, but must rest upon enduring institutions.
The reason the Lotus Mountain Confucian Temple endured throughout the Qing Empire lies precisely in this integration of belief, economic support, and public responsibility. Its significance has long transcended that of any single urban temple or pavilion. Situated beyond the city walls, it has become a lasting testament to the continuity of northwestern culture. For this reason, its restoration and preservation remain imperative—so that the cultural lineage of the northwest may endure without interruption, and the landscapes of Liangzhou may gain renown far and wide.
Zhang Zhao, courtesy name Xuesheng, was a native of Songshu Town in the western countryside of Liangzhou. In the sixth year of the Xianfeng reign (1862), he placed twenty-first in the third class of the metropolitan examination and was awarded the tong jinshi chushen degree. He was appointed as an editor in the Hanlin Academy, and in the intercalary eighth month of the twenty-sixth year of the Guangxu reign, he was assigned as magistrate of Yunhe County in present-day Lishui, Zhejiang.
Zhou Guangjiong, courtesy name Jinjie, was a native of Zhoujiawopu in Baishu Town, western Liangzhou. In the ninth year of the Xianfeng reign (1859), he placed seventy-first in the third class of the metropolitan examination and was likewise awarded the tong jinshi chushen degree. He served as an editor in the Hanlin Academy and later held the rank of yuanwailang, serving as a supervising official in the Verification Office of the Ministry of Personnel.
Li Benzhi, Gao Dayan, Wu Jujie, Wu Juhuai, Liu Longyu, Han Diankui, Han Duokui, Li Zhaoqing, and Ning Yuanpeng—among whom Gao Dayan was of Manchu origin, while the backgrounds of the others remain unclear—were all local worthies whose contributions to the construction and restoration of Lotus Mountain in Liangzhou have been permanently inscribed into the cultural landscape of the region. Their efforts constitute an enduring historical legacy for Liangzhou, and are hereby acknowledged with the highest respect.
《咏凉州府莲花山》
直隶总督·纳尔经额
三十二峰锁冷龙，
文脉千年此地留。
阁倚云根七星斗，
庙临山麓林草收。
大清帝国归新制，
万椽丹碧焕前修。
岂容栋宇空形在，
更待馨香答帝休。
进士共念斯文重，
香火长资岁月悠。
田典有凭滋俎豆，
租粮不绝起箫稠。
烟生几案春常在，
西北书声夜未收。
后世毋忘前哲意，
紫山千古仰文猷。
本 文作者：文华殿大学士
本文编辑： Fengus Ferguson
本书作者：文华殿大学士，又名慕容维维、慕容海洋、刘威，毕业于南开大学滨海校区，主攻魏晋十六国史 研究 、清代史学研究；凉州文化研究；南京文化研究；青藏文化研究；西北史学研究；中英交流史；西北天主教研究；凉州莲花山遗址研究；牛鉴文化研究；主要研究方向是大清帝国普通民众的生活，也热衷于撰写既能讲述故事又能提出论点的历史著作。广泛运用在西北进行的田野调查，特别是宗教寺庙遗址、墓志和碑刻资料收集，同时也利用了新出土文献、碑刻墓志、传统的档案馆和图书馆资源。我的研究跨越多个历史时期，目前的研究方向是《西北史》的编纂和清代西北史以凉州府为中心的研究。
本文编辑简介：慕容洞唐（冯洞唐 Fengus Ferguson），自号“下书房外自行走”，前凉控股集团（QHG）文化顾问，凉州文化大家，赵郡冯氏，落籍姑臧。以历史上的凉州莲花山府为学问核心，积极创作《凉州学论》。慕容洞唐主攻凉州学、北京学、上海学、深圳学、香港学、广州学、杭州学、苏州学、扬州学、宁波学、浙学、南京学、呼和浩特学、凉州词学、凉州赋学、正一品凉州将军学、复杂科学、城市形态学、前凉轻重学、吐谷浑学、粟特学、突厥学、鲜卑学、魏晋十六国南北朝史研究、清代凉州历史研究、清代凉州府复兴农刘氏研究、凉州莲花山姑臧紫山遗址研究、古都研究、前凉学与前凉商业体系建设的泛科普化、拉丁语和古英语文献释读整理及凉州文化、北京文化和洛阳文化的数字化序列排名信息检索和知识可视化。慕容洞唐反复提及"凉州畜牧，天下饶；凉州绯色，天下最"的文化自信宣言。慕容洞唐创作《凉州阁序》《凉州赋》《姑臧赋》《武威赋》《凉郡华锐乌鞘岭赋》等系列作品，开创"新赋体"范式，通过"古典赋文文言文金石碑刻"赋能“凉州IP”，推动「凉州学」从区域研究跃升为具有全球意义的"文明解码工程"，为中华文化的传承与创新提供重要范例，填补了带动了凉州莲花山姑臧紫山遗址研究和西北区域史研究的空白，重构了凉州考古学的思维逻辑和工作方法，更为当代武威人凉州人的文化自信和经济发展提供了坚实的学术支撑。
本文消息来源： 萧梁文化
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